General strike?

“If you want a General Strike organize your co-workers”

An Interview with Joe Burns, author of “Reviving the
Strike” (review this blog)
April 28th, 2012

by Camilo Viveiros

Introduction: Many in the Occupy movement have called for a general strike on May 1st but most Occupy activists aren’t involved in labor organizations or organized in their workplaces.

While General Assemblies may be somewhat effective institutions at reaching the agreement of assorted activists around future direct actions, workplace stoppages require the large scale participation of workers in decision-making structures.

The interview below gives some organizing advice for those who have called the general strike. I hope that this interview will inspire Occupy activists to consider the difficult work ahead that is needed to build democracy in the workplace. We are the 99%!

Camilo: You’ve written this very important book
“Reviving the Strike” that gives us a lot of insight about some of the challenges, but also the importance of strikes as a tactic.

Thank you for your work
promoting the increased use of the strike as a tool to use building working class power. In “Reviving the Strike” you argue that the labor movement must revive effective strikes based on the traditional tactics of labor– stopping production and workplace-based solidarity. As someone who sees the strike as a vital
tactic to achieve economic justice I want to ask you a few questions.

Right now Occupy and other activists across the country have been agitating for a general strike on May 1st.
Resolutions have been passed at General Assemblies around the country.

There are a lot of new activists that have joined the Occupy Movement, some never having had any organizing experience or labor organizing experience.

Could you share some of the examples of creative ways that newer
activists and established labor activists can think about this coming year, maybe toward next May 1st or toward the remote future of how people can embrace new creative strategies to organize toward strikes involving larger numbers of folks.

Joe Burns: First of all, I think the fact that people are talking about this strike and the general strike is a good thing because it starts raising people’s consciousness about where our real source of power is in society, which is ultimately working people have the power to stop production because working people are the
ones who produce things of value in society.

On the other hand, if you look back through history about how strikes happened, how in particular general strikes happened, what you’ll find is that they’re organized in the workplace by organizers organizing their
co-workers. And that’s really the key aspect here.

If you look at how most general strikes in the United
States have come about, it’s because there’s been
strike activity in the local community, people have
built bonds of solidarity. And then, let’s say one
Local goes out on strike, they put out an appeal for
other Locals to help them, and then eventually it
breaks out beyond the bounds of the dispute between
just them and their employer and becomes a generalized
dispute between all the workers in the city and the
employers in the city. So it really happens as part of
a process of solidarity being built step by step.

“It hasn’t really happened where people have put out a
general call saying let’s strike, let’s do a general
strike on this day. ”

It hasn’t really happened where people have put out a
general call saying let’s strike, let’s do a general
strike on this day.

One of the things that I focus on in my book, is the
need to refocus on the strike. And to do that, that
really takes workplace organizing in both union and
non-union shops, where people go in and do the hard
work of talking to their co-workers, forming an
organization, and ultimately walking out together.

I think it’s scary to do, to strike, to ask people in
these isolated workplaces to strike all by themselves
makes it very difficult.

“…people go in and do the hard work of talking to their
co-workers, forming an organization, and ultimately
walking out together”

Camilo: What do you think it would take to actually
organize, to bring back the capacity to have a general
strike in the United States?

Joe Burns: In order to have a general strike I think
we need to have a workers’ movement that’s based in the

If you look at, in the early 1970’s there’s
a good book called Rebel Rank and File that a number of
folks edited and it’s got articles. It’s really about
how the generation of 60’s leftists, a lot of them went
back into the workplaces and did organizing, and that
in the early 70’s there were tons of Wildcat strikes
which aren’t authorized by the union leadership.

Some of them, like the Postal Strike of 1970 involved
200,000 postal workers striking against the federal
government, in an illegal strike. But that didn’t
happen just by itself, it happened because people went
in to their workplaces and organized it. So, how are
we going to get a general strike in this country? I
think it’s going to be because we redevelop a labor
movement or a broader workers’ movement that’s based on the strike.

I think the efforts of Occupy for the class-based sort of thinking will help in that.

Ultimately, though, I think we need at some point to
devote our attention to the workplace, because the
workplace is the site of where the strike and struggle
need to generate from.

Camilo: During the takeover of the capital building in
Wisconsin some folks speculated that what should have happened is that public sector workers who were under
attack should have gone on strike. But in some ways
public sector workers are even more restricted around
strike guidelines than private sector workers and so
they have less right to strike.

What are your thoughts
around public sector workers who are really bearing a
large brunt of the attack on labor over the last year,
and what would the challenges be to building the
solidarity necessary to consider strikes of public
sector workers?

Joe Burns: I think what you find studying labor
history is that even though strikes were illegal up
until 1970, Hawaii became the first state to authorize
a legal strike, regardless of that workers struck by
the hundreds of thousands, public sector workers in the
1960’s. And in fact the laws giving them the right to
strike were done after the fact, and they were only
passed because workers were striking anyway and
legislatures decided to set up an orderly procedure to
govern strikes.

So what you find is hundreds of thousands of teachers striking throughout the 1960’s, and that’s really how public employees built their
unions. And they did it in the face of injunctions, so
a judge may order them back to work and start jailing
leaders, but like in Washington state in a rural
community all the teachers showed up together, everyone
who was on strike, and told the judge to arrest them
all. And the judge backed down because it didn’t look

So that’s really how we won our unions to begin with in
the public sector, in the 1960’s, so when you fast
forward to today and look at strikes in the public
sector, when you look at Wisconsin in particular,
clearly the Wisconsin teachers is what really kicked
off the whole Wisconsin battle.

They organized calling
in sick, and two-thirds of Madison teachers didn’t show
up to work and that’s what really kind of fueled the
beginning of the takeover of the capitol, along with
the grad students and so forth. So it was based on a
strike. Some people wanted that to expand into a
general strike, but that really wasn’t going to happen
unless the people most involved which were the public
employees, took the lead on that. And they chose, and
made a strategic decision after four days to go back to
work and fight by other means. I think that’s the
strategy that they wanted to do and that made sense for

Camilo: With union density not at its peak what are
the some of the opportunities for non-union
organizations to use striking as a tactic? What are
some of the lessons we can learn from the Wildcat
strikes of the 70’s, and how can we have enough
flexibility to try to go beyond the stranglehold that
Labor law has on workers’ organizations right now?

Joe Burns: I think there’s been a lot of good movement
in recent years to look at different forms of worker
organization beyond the traditional unions. So you’ve
had workers’ centers, you’ve had various alternative
unions, the IWW and so forth, all looking at how do you
organize particular groups of workers. The question
that all of them eventually run into is, you can have
your alternative form of organization but ultimately
it’s a question of power, and do you have the power to
improve workers’ lives. And to do that traditionally,
that’s been at the workplace the ability to strike or
otherwise financially harm an employer.

So I think part of what moving forward we’ll see with the revival of the workers’ movement in this country is a lot of coming together of these different forms of
organizations, embracing tactics such as the strike.

And really some of them are the best situated to do it,
because they don’t have the huge treasuries and
buildings and conservative officials that you find in a
lot of unions.

“…ultimately it’s a question of power, and do you have
the power to improve workers’ lives.”

Camilo: So, what would your advice be to a non-union
Occupy activist who maybe voted for a general strike
during a general assembly, or who wants to see a
general strike come to fruition at some point, what
would your suggestions be for those activists that are
out there who are seeing the need for this tactic to be

Joe Burns: I think go into your workplace. The strike
and strike activity needs to be rooted in the
workplaces, and if it’s based on people outside of the
workplace calling on people to engage in strike
activity, that’s not going to work.

Not saying you
need to just bury your head in some local place, you
need to have a broader perspective and broader
activism, but if you really want to see a general
strike, go out and organize workers, your co-workers or
however you want to do it to build forms of
organization in the workplace.

Joe Burns is staff attorney and negotiator, with the
Association of Flight Attendants/ Communications
Workers of America and author of Reviving the Strike.

Camilo Viveiros has been a multi-racial economic
justice organizer for over 20 years. He has developed
organizing trainings for the Occupy movement and does campaign and
leadership development, popular education, strategy and
direct action trainings for grassroots groups.


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